Current problems and tasks of adaptation for mobile devices, as well as their solutions. Adaptive optical module What types of elements are divided into

Attention!

Fixed ad block size depending on screen width

This section explains how to set responsive ad unit sizes for mobile and desktop screens. Even users who have never worked with media queries in CSS or made changes to AdSense advertising code can do this before.

ad unit size for screens with a width of less than 500 pixels – 320 x 100;
ad unit size for screens with a width ranging from 500 to 799 pixels – 468 x 60;
The ad unit size for screens with a width of 800 pixels or larger is 728 x 90.

. example_responsive_1 (width: 320px; height: 100px; )
@media(min-width: 500px) ( . example_responsive_1 ( width: 468px; height: 60px; ) )
@media(min-width: 800px) ( . example_responsive_1 ( width: 728px; height: 90px; ) )

(adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || ).push());

How to apply this sample code to your site

Create a display ad unit in your AdSense account by selecting Responsive in the Ad Size section. Save the following information from the ad code:

publisher ID (for example, ca-pub-1234567891234567);
ad unit identifier in the data-ad-slot field (for example, 1234567890 ).

In the code sample, do the following:

Replace all instances of example_responsive_1 with a unique name, like Glavnaya_stranitsa or glavnaya_stranitsa_123.
Notes:
- The unique name must contain only English letters (A–Z), numbers and underscores and begin with an English letter.
- Each time you adapt this piece of code, you must use a new, unique name.
Replace ca-pub-XXXXXXX11XXX9 with your publisher ID.
Replace 8XXXXX1 with your ad unit ID.

Determine how much screen space your ad unit should take up.

If you are happy with the dimensions shown in the sample code, do not change the values.
If you want to set other sizes, follow these steps in the code sample.
- Replace the 320px and 100px values with the width and height of the ad unit you want to use for screens less than 500px wide.
- Replace the 468px and 60px values with the width and height of the ad unit you want to use for screens with widths ranging from 500 to 799 pixels.
- Replace the 728px and 90px values with the width and height of the ad unit you want to use for screens that are 800px wide or larger.

Copy and paste the modified ad code into the HTML source code of the desired pages.

Advanced Responsive Ad Unit Code Features

Adaptive blocks adapt to the size of the container and are suitable for sites with adaptive layout. Such blocks may show:

Yandex.Direct contextual ads;

You can choose several display ad formats to display in responsive blocks. The more formats you choose, the more advertisers will be able to participate in the auction, and the higher your income can be.

Adaptive block

This block adjusts to the dimensions of the framing container. There is no need to specify the width and height of the block - just install the ad calling code on the site.

The height of the adaptive block is selected automatically depending on the width of the framing container. You can limit the height of the responsive block by selecting one of the following values:

High - 300 pixels;

Low - 90 pixels;

Automatically.

We do not recommend choosing a responsive block for insertion into fixed-height containers.

Yandex.Direct contextual ads evenly occupy the entire area of the adaptive block. To display display advertising, sizes are selected that allow the ad to optimally fit into the current format.

Maximum number of ads in a block: 1–2 Yandex.Direct ads or one banner.

Attention. The adaptive block does not change size when changing screen orientation.

In the block creation window, you can see how its appearance changes depending on the width of the container. Experiment with block sizes to find the best solution for your site.

Look

Custom block

This fixed block is displayed in sizes that the partner can set manually.

If the layout specifies the width and height of the container for inserting an advertising block, then the block is oriented towards these dimensions. If container dimensions are not specified or cannot be determined, the dimensions specified in the code constructor are used.

The minimum block width is 160 pixels, the minimum height is 90 pixels. Please note that the area required to display one Direct ad is 60,000 square pixels (for example, 200x300 pixels).

The maximum number of ads in a block is 9 Yandex.Direct ads or one banner.

Hello friends! The number of mobile users is growing every day. Yes, this is a well-worn phrase, but the time will soon come when websites will be created for mobile phones, and adapted for personal computers =) .

In connection with the transition to a new “format” of interaction with visitors, new problems/tasks have arisen. In this post I will analyze, in my opinion, the most important and popular ones for any web project, as well as ways and means of solving them. I'm doing this right now.

To be honest, about 2 years ago I was quite a strong opponent of surfing the Internet through mobile devices. Firstly, I spent the lion's share of my time online on a personal computer - it was not enough for me to be online and away from my desktop. Secondly, there is nothing more convenient than surfing from a full-fledged PC with its large monitor, familiar keyboard, mouse and virtually no errors.

Time passes, not only devices change, but also people. So I recently caught myself starting to select products in an online store not from a desktop computer, but from a phone. Mobility is merciless! She is taking over the world, and I am sure that soon she will be able to do this almost completely.

So, a complete transition to adaptability of all website elements takes time. Nowadays, certain problems and tasks related to adaptation to mobile devices constantly appear. Below are those that, in my opinion, need to be solved on each of your projects.

Adsense has a standard adaptive block that will adapt to screen resolutions. But there is a problem with it - mobile versions display small ad units, which, in turn, reduce income. This should not be neglected. Take, for example, the data from my account by platform: personal computers are already only half. What are your interest rates?

For example, at the end of the material you have a NetBoard 580 by 400. You access the page from a mobile phone and see that it does not fit in width. Well, great, there is an adaptive block. You install it, and after a few days you notice that the advertisement is displayed correctly, but the income from this channel has dropped.

There is a solution! Google has taken care of this. You must specify your dimensions for each resolution for which your project is optimized. Here is a small code (officially approved) that anyone can customize to their needs.

< style>. izmenite_imya1 ( width: 320px; height: 100px; ) @ media(min- width: 500px) ( . izmenite_imya1 ( width: 336px; height: 280px; ) ) @ media(min- width: 800px) ( . izmenite_imya1 ( width: 580px ; height: 400px;< script async src= "//pagead2.googlesyndication.com/pagead/js/adsbygoogle.js" > < ins class = "adsbygoogle izmenite_imya1" style= "display:inline-block" data- ad- client= "ca-pub-SVOJ-NOMER" data- ad- slot= "SVOJ-NOMER" > < script>(adsbygoogle = window. adsbygoogle || ) . push(( ) ) ;

.izmenite_imya1 ( width: 320px; height: 100px; ) @media(min-width: 500px) ( .izmenite_imya1 ( width: 336px; height: 280px; ) ) @media(min-width: 800px) ( .izmenite_imya1 ( width: 580px; height: 400px; ) ) (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || ).push();

First of all, you need to create your own adaptive block in the Adsense panel. Take ca-pub (publisher identifier) and data-ad-slot (advertising unit identifier) from the code.

Then you need to change the unique name (in my case izmenite_imya1) to your own - 5 pieces. For each block you need to come up with its own name. You can use English letters (you need to start with a letter), numbers and underscores.

In the given example:
- on a screen width less than 500, an ad 320 by 100 will be displayed (large mobile banner);
- from 500 to 800 - 336 by 280 (large rectangle);
- from 800 and more - 580 by 400 (Netboard).
If you are satisfied with the resolutions and the given formats, then you can leave it as is. If not, then change the indicated numbers to your own.

Paste the resulting code onto the site pages and check the correctness of placement. If necessary, edit sizes and resolutions.

Adapting an adaptive block in YAN

As I already said, the standard adaptive RTB block of the Yandex advertising network is in fact not such. Problem #1 - advertising is displayed in a fixed container that is not optimized for mobile devices. Problem #2 - Displayed context and graphical banners are left aligned (not all that easy to center).

Yandex also took care of this. The code below (official) will center the ads and make them truly responsive.

< div style= "text-align:center;" > < div id= "yandex_ad" style= "display: inline-block;" > < div id= "yandex_rtb_R-A-SVOJ-NOMER" class = "yandex-adaptive" > < script type= "text/javascript" >(function (w, d, n, s, t) ( w[ n] = w[ n] || ; w[ n]. push(function () ( Ya. Context. AdvManager. render(( blockId: "R-A -SVOJ-NOMER" , renderTo: "yandex_rtb_R-A-SVOJ-NOMER" , async: true ) ) ; ) ) ; t = d. getElementsByTagName("script" ) [ 0 ] ; s = d. createElement("script" ) ; s. type = "text/javascript" ; src = "//an.yandex.ru/system/context.js" ; ) (this, this. document, "yandexContextAsyncCallbacks" ) ;

(function(w, d, n, s, t) ( w[n] = w[n] || ; w[n].push(function() ( Ya.Context.AdvManager.render(( blockId: "R-A -SVOJ-NOMER", renderTo: "yandex_rtb_R-A-SVOJ-NOMER", async: true )); )); t = d.getElementsByTagName("script"); s = d.createElement("script"); s .type = "text/javascript"; s.src = "//an.yandex.ru/system/context.js"; s.async = true; , this.document, "yandexContextAsyncCallbacks");

Additionally, in style.css (in any place) you need to add:

@media screen and (max-width: 500px) (.yandex-adaptive (width: 320px; height: 100px;)) @media screen and (max-width: 800px) (.yandex-adaptive (width: 300px; height: 250px ; ) ) @media screen and (max-width: 1024px ) ( .yandex-adaptive ( width : 336px ; height : 280px ; ) )

@media screen and (max-width: 500px) ( .yandex-adaptive ( width:320px; height:100px; ) ) @media screen and (max-width: 800px) ( .yandex-adaptive ( width:300px; height: 250px; ) ) @media screen and (max-width: 1024px) ( .yandex-adaptive ( width:336px; height:280px; ) )

First of all, replace the “SVOJ-NOMER” piece with the identifier of your RTB block (4 pieces).

If you don't need centering, then remove the first 2 and last 2 lines of code.

In the given example:
- on a screen smaller than 500, a block of 320 by 100 will be displayed;
- from 500 to 800 - 300 to 250;
- from 800 to 1024 - 336 by 280;
- from 1024 - the sizes that you set when creating the RTB block.

Save the code and implement it on your resource. Don't forget to update style.css.

After implementing the modified Google Adsense and YAN codes, you will receive the desired advertising, which is optimized for most mobile devices.

Responsive template or mobile version?

More than a year ago I already... Then we got this table.

Quite a lot of time has passed and the answers to some criteria have also changed. For example, monetization with adaptive design is more convenient (it is enough to set up the advertising code once).

Due to certain features of my template, only a mobile version with a separate WordPress theme was implemented on it. In most cases, this is enough, but there are also disadvantages:

You cannot specify the display of certain design components for popular resolutions - only 1 version;
interaction with the site. Some elements have to be changed 2 times: on the main and mobile template (not very convenient, you can forget about something).
if the mobile version is implemented on a subdomain, then all this is complicated by redirects, the complexity of ranking different versions, and so on.

Thus:

the option with m.site.ru is less preferable.

Next comes the mobile version with a separate template.

The most attractive option, which Google also recommends, is which has one code that adapts to the screen size. A similar theme has the same URLs and is easy to work with.

The importance of the code given to mobile devices

Previously, you didn’t have to worry about the code that was given to mobile devices. The main thing is that it displays the site correctly and loads quickly. Recently, Google began testing mobile as its main index. Now you need to think about the quality of the code provided, as well as its optimization for search engines: title, description, canonical, meta name="robots" and so on.

I’ll give you an example that I recently came across while auditing a website. The main code also included mobile. The fact is that because of this, categories, menus, phones, links in the footer, and so on were duplicated (some elements were for PCs, others for phones). Firstly, these are absolutely unnecessary elements. Secondly, such an implementation smacks of cloaking. Screenshot of a small piece of html code.

Accordingly, doing this is completely wrong. The code must have no duplicate structural elements. When you order an adaptive design or a mobile version, please clarify this point and check it after receiving the finished template. The check can be done in the well-known Google Search Console (Section "View as Googlebot").

Here you need to scan (“Get and display”) the main structural pages, for example, home, article, category, pagination, and so on for “Mobile: Smartphone”. Additionally, you can scan your PC to compare versions.

Click "Partially Done" and go to the "Scanning" tab. We receive a code that is given to mobile devices.

We check the basic elements of page optimization, tags, the presence/absence of structural duplicates, and the like. For convenience, the resulting code can be copied, for example, into the text editor notepad++ and analyzed there.

Google's transition to a mobile index is quite a serious step. The fact is that ranking must undergo changes. For example, a mobile index will be more compact in content and will have fewer links. The same can be said about behavioral metrics: a user on a PC and a mobile device on the same page behaves differently. I wonder how the Internet giant will cope with this?

AMP - what is this “beast”?

AMP (Accelerated Mobile Pages) or accelerated mobile pages is a relatively new technology promoted by Google. The idea is to give the mobile visitor the lightest document possible. After indexing, such pages are stored in a special search engine cache.

What are the advantages of technology?

The site loading speed increases significantly.
Only the most important things are shown to the user. He will, of course, like it.
In the future, Google will potentially give priority to AMP when ranking (after the well-known https).

There are also significant disadvantages:

It turns out a stripped down version of the resource.

Problem with displaying advertisements. As far as I know, only advertising networks owned by Google are currently supported.

It is necessary to ensure that new documents do not appear in the search results: the correctness of canonical, the absence of AMP in sitamap, etc.

In one of the upcoming posts I will analyze this technology in more detail. If you are interested in it, you can find help on it in the same Google Search Console (“Search View” -> “Accelerated Mobile Pages (AMP)”).

That's all for today. I hope that the information was useful, and you are seriously thinking about adapting for mobile devices, and also begin implementing truly adaptive Google Adsense and YAN advertising units. I look forward to your opinions and feedback in the comments!

New rules for placing AdSense blocks have come into force, according to which large ads cannot be displayed at the top of mobile pages. Recommended 300/100, prohibited 300/250. This raises problems with placing adaptive blocks for display on mobile devices and computers (laptops and other desktops). Today I'll explain how to show different ad sizes from the same responsive or regular ad unit on different devices.

If you have Joomla Mobile, then insert optimal blocks into different index.php files, but such manipulations will not work with an adaptive template. Everything can be solved simply, one code will show ads of excellent size on different devices.

Adaptive block

I won’t give dozens of options for an adaptive block, I’ll point out one using the example of the Zegeberg blog, then everything is clear intuitively.

I always have a banner or a horizontal block at the top, and I’m not going to change anything yet. The task is to ensure that Google ads are shown in full screen width on mobile devices, and on the desktop the block width is 600 px. The height is 100 px everywhere.

Example block

To do this, I made the following changes to the code:

Lines changed

data-ad-format="horizontal"

style="display:inline-block;min-width:300px;max-width:600px;width:100%;height:100px"

The last line indicates that the minimum block width is 300 px (remember Google recommendations), and the maximum width is 600 px. Width:100% indicates that between 300 and 600 px the space will be filled across the width. Simply put, if a visitor has a smartphone with a width of 360, then he will see the same block. The height suits me 100 px, it is static for all ads. You can play with different values in the style line of code, just remember that you can’t put a large block at the top of mobile pages.

If you copy the code, do not forget to enter your identifiers instead of XXXXX.

Displaying advertisements via CSS

It’s more difficult if you need one block to show different ads in width and height on devices with different resolutions. This is possible, moreover, no one forbids you to register at least 10 sizes for all kinds of screens.

You need to edit the AdSense code and CSS styles. Let's start with the code.

In the standard code we change the name to a unique one. For me it will be my_ site_1. The name must be changed in two places in the code, the places below are highlighted with strong. Also make sure that the Style line says display: inline-block .

Example

(adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || ).push());

Now we need to create CSS styles for the my_site_1 class. I wrote this in the style file:

my_site_1 ( width: 320px; height: 100px; ) @media(min-width: 500px) ( .my_site_1 ( width: 300px; height: 250px; ) ) @media(min-width: 800px) ( .my_site_1 ( width: 300px ; height: 250px; ) ) @media(min-width: 1000px) ( .my_site_1 ( width: 580px; height: 400px; ) )

As a result, on smartphones I see the Google-recommended block of 320/100 px, on iPhones the ad size is 300/250 px, and on the desktop a large block of 580/400 px. Using the media query @media you can specify the block sizes in more detail, for me this is enough.

All manipulations with code and styles are white, there are no violations of the rules for using the Google AdSense system.

Digression 3: On the generation of social time Matter and Measure

In a crowd-“elite” society and in a crowd-“elite” public organizations (movements and political parties), the function of implementing the program (concept) received from the predictor-cor-rector, which is program-adaptive, is entrusted to The -th module, however, only uses it in its activity, without the right to change it. Accordingly, changes and additions inevitably made to the action program “imposed from above” during its implementation are generally considered as an anti-systemic factor. This is expressed in the well-known saying: “initiative is punishable,” which reflects the basic principle of personnel selection for leadership positions in the structures of the program-adaptive module of crowd-“elite” societies: promotion to the top of those who are executive, but lack initiative, for the first roles; capable of initiative, but those who are accustomed to restrain their initiative out of fear (they succumb to blackmail by publicity and blackmail by default), coordinating their initiative with the expressed and unexpressed, but guessed by them, wishes of higher authorities - to secondary roles deputies and assistants; initiative, knowledgeable and able to work, but unwilling or not accustomed to adapt to their superiors - to the positions of subordinates, whose purpose is to be “whipping boys” in ordinary circumstances and a personnel reserve for managers to save the business, if necessary , in the case when uninitiated executive managers and their “restrained” deputies and assistants bring the matter to the brink of collapse.

Our difference from the crowd-“elite” public organizations lies, first of all, in the fact that, carrying the fullness of conceptual power, in the Concept of Public Safety is not structurally localized, not isolated and resides as if outside the structures of public organizations that support the Concept of Public Safety in God-states, and within them.

This is a normal situation for any anti-crowd “elite” social organization, stemming from the autocratic nature of conceptual power, which arises as a social initiative of those people whose feelings of social significance as a whole are open to perception even if they do not embrace it with their worldview. Social initiative arises and operates on the basis of direct personal relationships between different people, due to which it inevitably has an informal character: organizational forms are always generated by the activity itself in accordance with the circumstances and are largely determined by the personal characteristics of the doers.

This socially-initiative nature of the predictor-corrector, covering all stages of the complete management function, if it does not completely exclude the opportunity for imitator-provocateurs to head this or that structure, it does exclude the possibility of distorting the nature of the activity of this structure, since the imitator-provocateur who has seized control of administrative power , will inevitably encounter manifestations of real conceptual power coming not “from above”, but “from below”. As a result of this, he will either be removed from office, or the structure that he manages to lead will collapse or become depopulated, and there will be no one left in it except its nominal leaders, sitting on folders with various kinds of reports on the “work” done.

We should not be afraid of this kind of disappearance of depopulated structures, and we should not treat their death as a collapse in the advancement of the Concept of Public Security in life. Simply, if it is impossible to overcome the tendency to distort the activities of the structure, which was able to be headed by imitator-provokers, and if it is impossible to remove them from leadership, it is necessary to purposefully carry out the process of its liquidation and the resumption of the activities of the new structure under the leadership of other coordinators.

According to this circumstance, the heads of structures operating in line with the Concept of Public Security are obliged, first of all, to be people who feel the flow of life and are thoughtful in order to distinguish (and support with the power of structural management) the personal initiative of ordinary participants in the structures and lower-ranking leaders, which expresses conceptual authority structurally non-localized predictor-corrector, from all kinds of “system noise” of constant expression of disagreement with every opinion of every superior and from interference induced from outside, which is one way or another characteristic of the activities of all structures in society; Moreover, both manifestations of conceptual authority and system noise with externally induced interference can outwardly look very similar, and in some cases, disagreement with the opinion of management can be partly a conceptually authoritative initiative, and partly system noise and external interference.

At the same time, it is necessary to understand that, explicitly or implicitly entrusting the implementation of the concept to certain structures, it gives rise to both written and unwritten charters, expressing in them the goals of the concept and ways to achieve them. If the conceptual power made a mistake in some way when constructing written and unwritten charters and the very structures of this or that social organization and thereby opened up the possibility for any of the imitator-provocateurs to act in these structures on legal grounds, then referring to the current written charter or unwritten tradition as a source of undeniable powers of imitators-provocateurs is harmful to the implementation of the concept.

The identified written and unwritten statutory provisions that are erroneous in relation to the Concept of Public Security should be crossed in an initiative manner to maintain conceptual self-discipline and exercise conceptual power in the God State.

Accordingly, the heads of the structures must understand and act in accordance with the fact that the structures are not intended to satisfy their personal “grand-princely” ambitions, but to coordinate, in line with the Concept of Public Security, the personal initiative of many ordinary participants in the structures, from among whom the in its entirety, the highest intrasocietal power is conceptual power, acting according to the principle expressed by A.S. Pushkin: “magi are not afraid of mighty rulers, and they do not need a princely gift” (remember what happened next? Do you feel this in the unity of the life of your inner and general to everyone in the outside world?); and the heads of the structures ensure the functioning of only the program-adaptive module of the concept and in the Concept of Public Security in the God-Government they must do this in accordance with the conceptual power, and not try to curb and suppress it with tenacity worthy of better use: otherwise they will die (in all senses: from political to physical) from his “horse”.

The heads of structures in the Concept of Public Security are not dictators by design, from whom only a legitimate initiative for the participants of the structures can come, but coordinators of a completely legitimate initiative of all participants of the structures without exception, in line with the Concept. Managers, like all other participants in structures, have the right to initiative, but their initiative, in terms of its quality, considered independently of their holding leadership positions, is no better or worse than the initiative of other participants in structures. And all participants in the Movement must understand this and live in accordance with this so that the “princes” - great and small - do not become overgrown with guardians assigned to them from alien concepts, and do not dissolve in their demonic permissiveness, and the organizational structures implementing the Concept public safety, did not comprehend the organizational structures of the CPSU, which had lost their Bolshevik capacity and became anti-people.

Everything that was said earlier at the beginning of this section about the role of the leaders of party and state structures, the ethical standards that they must follow in relation to ordinary party members and ordinary citizens, about the initiative of the masses, criticism “from below,” etc. (except for the mention of conceptual power and the full management function carried out in the life of society) one way or another, it was said many times in the Soviet past throughout the history of the CPSU and Soviet power. But in all this the following remained silent:

All these circumstances expressing the need to protect self-government conceptually self-powerful society in full function, they deny the moral, ethical and organizational principles and the statutory provisions expressing them, characteristic of public organizations and political parties of a crowd-“elite” nature, including the RSDLP - RSDLP (b) - RCP (b) - All-Union Communist Party (b) - CPSU - Communist Party of the Russian Federation at all stages of its existence.

Accordingly this demands, when implementing the Concept of Public Security in the God State, the primacy of other principles of unity of participants in public organizations, the structures of which are included in its software-adaptive module.

To date, the software-adaptive module of the Public Security Concept is represented by two all-Russian structures:

The people's movement "Towards God's Power" and
All-People's Party of Peaceful Will “Unity”.

This leads to the need to build the work of the popular movement and political party in line with their common Concept of Public Security in the God State so that they complement each other. And for this it is necessary to determine the functional and organizational difference between a social movement and a political party.

In order not to be mistaken in their functional differentiation, it is necessary to analyze the history of the promotion of the Concept of Public Security in the God State over the past ten years from the completion of the first edition of “Dead Water” at the end of June 1991.

All this time, the predictor-corrector has acted and continues to operate as a public initiative that does not require any unchanging organizational forms and statutory documents regulating job responsibilities and the order of mutual subordination and responsibility of its participants (the personnel of which, for various reasons, changes to throughout the entire time). All this time, the predictor has been and is bringing the materials of the Concept to the attention of both individuals and officials of state structures, public organizations and political parties both within the borders of Russia and beyond its borders. The management of none of them has so far announced the acceptance of the Concept of Public Safety for implementation, nor has it brought the materials of the Concept to the attention of the management of subordinate structures and to the attention of their ordinary participants.

In the process of this kind of (educational in its essence) activity of the participants in the predictor, a fairly wide circle of people arose who, having familiarized themselves with the materials of the Concept, found that it expressed the vital interests of themselves, other conscientious workers and subsequent generations, opening up opportunities for resolving the crisis, for which humanity came to at the end of the twentieth century under the conceptual authority of biblical doctrine and its masters. It was precisely these opponents of biblical doctrine who arose the need to provide guaranteed, quick and predictable access to the materials of the Concept, both for themselves and for those whom they wish to familiarize themselves with them. Thus, random - neither predictable nor guaranteed - access to the materials of the Concept, on the basis of which they themselves became acquainted with it, ceased to meet the needs of social time, generated by the Concept. And through the purposeful efforts of such people, permanent structures were created that steadily ensure the exchange of information among supporters of the Concept of Public Security living in different regions of Russia and Russian-speaking abroad (this exchange includes the contours of direct and reverse connections of the national predictor-corrector of the Concept of Public Security, about which should not be forgotten). This is how the now legally registered People's Movement “Towards God's Power” arose. Operating since 1997, the Movement “Towards God Power” has proven its effectiveness as a system that supports the process of self-education of people in the sense of their development worldviews and worldviews that contribute to their transition to a humane structure of the psyche and their transformation through the expedient efforts of the culture of society.

It should be especially emphasized that to date the Movement has not only not exhausted its development potential, but is still in the initial stages of its formation and development of diverse areas of activity. In the foreseeable future, it will continue to be important as a public institution, providing guaranteed and quick access to the materials of the Concept to all interested parties; providing the opportunity for everyone to master the materials of the Concept in communication with its other supporters, which is very important for many people who have not been taught by the school’s coding pedagogy to independently extract knowledge and skills from a text that requires the consideration of new and rethinking of previously established concepts.

And the Movement will retain this significance, at least until access to the Internet is as widespread as access to watching television programs and listening to radio broadcasts is now, or until the system of general and special education (in the sense of teaching knowledge and skills) will not move from coding pedagogy (forming the type of structure of the zombie psyche) to active assistance to students in their self-education (in the sense of the formation of a humane mental structure as the basis for self-learning to master knowledge and skills at the pace of the emergence of personally and socially significant needs). When such social circumstances arise, those needs that are currently satisfied by the structures of the Movement “Towards God Power” will be satisfied in society in other ways, as a result of which the structures of the Movement in their current form will either become worthless and therefore disappear, or will be taken over by some other social significant functions and thereby retain themselves, but in some other capacity.

But ensuring guaranteed access to the materials of the Concept to interested persons and bringing these materials, on their own initiative, to the attention of uninterested individuals and officials, The movement as a whole didn't do it and doesn't do it political activity in the sense of a structurally formalized systematic, i.e. professional participation in the development and implementation of state policy at the national and local, regional levels, just as the ruling and opposition political parties and “non-party” officials of the state apparatus do this.

In other words, solving those problems that in the past had to be solved by the structures of the “Knowledge” society, the Movement “Towards God Power” is neither a political party nor a “non-party” party in power. However, at the same time, when the Movement became quite numerous and covered many regions of Russia, many of its participants felt the need to constantly translate the Concept into the real policy of Russian statehood, both at the level of the state as a whole, and at the level of regions of the Russian Federation, local public self-government and in labor collectives .

The emergence of this need expresses the moral and ethical readiness of some part of the Movement’s participants for this kind of actually professional (at least in the rank of a second profession in combination with the main) socially significant management activities in government agencies, in private entrepreneurship, among labor collectives.

At the same time, it is necessary to understand that not all participants in the Movement are ready for this kind of activity and are aware of the responsibility for it in conscience before God and other people, not because they are supposedly bad, “second-rate,” but simply due to the fact that The movement constantly includes new people who have just shown interest in the Concept, and are just beginning to study and master its materials. Due to this circumstance The movement as a whole cannot function as an instrument for translating the ideals of the Concept into actually implemented state policy. And this is a fundamental property of the Movement, resulting from the function assigned to it - to provide guaranteed quick access to the materials of the Concept to interested persons, mostly with an unsettled worldview, worldview and mental algorithms, whose primary task, first of all, is to comprehend and rethink their personal life and the life of society, restructuring one’s worldview and understanding of the world, transforming the algorithms of one’s psyche. Until they each do a certain minimum (for each of them) of this kind of work on themselves, they are objectively incapable of unyielding conceptual self-discipline and professional political activity that expresses it in line with the Concept of Public Security.

It is precisely from the objective inability of the Movement, conditioned by this circumstance, to solve problems that are solved by political parties in the current state-organizational forms, that the need arises for some of its participants (those who have basically overcome each of their crises of worldview and understanding of the world) for organization. political party as an instrument intended for the widespread professional implementation of the ideals of the Concept into the everyday politics of statehood of Russian civilization in general and locally, as well as into heterogeneous public self-government.

And these two functions:

provide guaranteed quick access to Concept materials to interested parties;
to be an instrument for translating the ideals of the Concept into the real policy of statehood of Russian civilization in its historically established forms to date,

- mixing the functional load of one structure is harmful to the implementation of the ideals of the Concept of Public Safety. It is harmful because life puts forward incompatible criteria for assessing the quality of management in the activities of the Movement “Towards God's Power” and in the activities of the political party “Unity”, which in turn predetermines the originality of the principles of building the Movement, distinguishing it from the originality of the principles of building a political party.

Every person who somehow learned something about the existence of the Concept of Public Safety and heard somewhere about the existence of the Movement “Towards God Power”, by contacting representatives of any of its structures in person or by mail, received literature from which he can familiarize himself with the Concept as broadly and in detail as he considers necessary. What will he do after this: will he join the Movement; will not join, but will live and act in line with the Concept; will act as her opponent; will remain indifferent; immediately soars to the implementation of conceptual power in the structurally non-localized Nationwide Predictor-Corrector of the USSR - all good, because he knows who is capable of what and has the right in his life circumstances with his life experience, and what and to whom can be allowed, and who what should be supported;
Movement participants work on conceptual literature independently; participate in seminars conducted by the Movement; when discussing among their loved ones, friends and acquaintances events in the life of Russia and abroad, they are not shy and are not afraid to refer to the materials of the Concept and cover from its positions the issues that have become the subject of discussion (it is bad if they do not express their opinion, providing interlocutors with information for reflection, and strive to get from others, firstly, an expression of unconditional agreement with their opinion and, secondly, subsequent actions in accordance with the expressed agreement contrary to the real worldview of people, thereby becoming like the civilian and military political workers of the CPSU of the Soviet era : this would be the construction of internally tense systems of relations, in the activities of which the imitation-provocative component would become dominant);
Participants of the Movement, in communication with private individuals and officials, acting in accordance with the moral and ethical standards of the Concept, are able to evoke at least one-time, if not systematic, any kind of support for the Movement on their part.

If this work is carried out by the participants of the Movement righteously, then the number of participants in the Movement and supporters supporting it, who for some reason did not want to formalize their membership in the Movement, will grow; The moral and ideological positions of the Concept of Public Safety in society will expand, and its informal influence will increase. This is quite enough for the Movement.

In relation to the activities of a political party, especially a conceptually powerful party, the systematic achievement of such results is clearly not enough. Of course, that all of the above and what accompanies it by default in the activities of the Movement, to some extent will inevitably be characteristic of the structures of party organizations, but in their work this can only be of a nature that accompanies the main activities of the party.

The main purpose of our political party is systematic (i.e. professional, and not from case to case) heterogeneous activities for the organization of public self-government (including public administration in general and locally) in line with the Concept of public security as such in the conditions of targeted opposition from political parties and political mafias that support in their activities other concepts of public organization that are incompatible with the COB life, as well as in conditions of heterogeneous hubbub and heterogeneous activity artificially aroused by opponents of the COB of that part of society that is still a crowd living according to legend and reasoning according to the authority of individuals and heterogeneous dogmas introduced into culture.

In the opinion of the VP of the USSR, such a formulation of the purpose of a conceptually powerful party is better than a list that lists the main tasks that the party must solve in its activities. Such tasks should not even be listed in the Program of a conceptually powerful party, which determines its strategy for a historically long term, but in its plans of activity for a very specific, not very long period between successive congresses. This will allow you to have always an up-to-date and appropriate program of action, and not the pseudo-program of the party, which mixes up those tasks that have yet to be solved in the distant future, those that have already been solved in the past, but which the next congress “forgot” to cross out, and those that are being solved in the present. And the fact that this kind of confusion was characteristic of the post-Stalin programs of the CPSU is one of the reasons for the stagnation and collapse of the USSR.

If we speak in the language of modern science, then everything that exists in the created Universe is matter, in its various states of aggregation: vacuum, physical fields, plasma (a highly ionized gas in which electrons have such energy that they cannot stay in atoms in stable orbits), gaseous state of matter, liquid state of matter, solid (crystalline) state of matter. Aggregate states, paths and methods of transition from one of them to others, the properties of matter in each of them and in transition processes are predetermined for it from Above. And people’s ideas about these various states of aggregation somehow correspond to the proverb “there is no thing without an image.” But what is it and what does it have to do with images of matter? - this question is not considered in “I-centric” philosophical systems.

Science of to the extent of numerical certainty in itself, this is mathematics. But in material The measure of the universe—numerical certainty—ceases to be by itself: it is embodied in the objects and subjects of the Universe - everything created is given a measure predetermined from Above. In the Universe, everything is material and the measures of some fragments are numerically comparable with the measures of other fragments, i.e. All fragments of the Universe are characterized by commensurability both among themselves and with their components.

Measure is, first of all, numerical certainty: 2x2=4; one second - 9192631770 periods of radiation corresponding to the transition between two hyperfine levels of the ground state of the 133 Cs atom (cesium standard of frequency and time); 1 meter - 1650763.73 wavelengths in vacuum of radiation corresponding to the transition between levels 2p 10 And 5d 5 atom of krypton-86 (86 Kr) (data on the standards of the second and meter are taken from the “Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary” edition of 1986); “the length of the Boa constrictor is 38 Parrots and one parrot wing” (according to the famous cartoon); atoms of chemical elements differ from each other in the number of protons in their nuclei, which determine the serial number of each of them in the Periodic Table of D.I. Mendeleev; isotopes of the same element differ from each other in the number of neutrons in their nuclei. And so on: no matter what you pay attention to, numerical certainty will appear everywhere - a measure: either single or multiple, which is statistics that allows you to distinguish sets from each other.

In the process of conscious or unconscious correlation of one fragment of the Universe with others identified on the basis of Discrimination, two types of perception of proportionality are revealed:

perception of space;
perception of time.

Their perception gives rise to two types of numerical certainty: units of length and units of time, objectively connected with each other through materiality at the hierarchical level of the microworld by the Heisenberg uncertainty relation, which expresses the impossibility of isolated perception of either space without time or time without space, since space and time are creations measured in all its states of aggregation matter.

In all cases without exception, the perception of space and time requires a reference process with which all other times and spaces are compared. This standard can be the person himself (an ancient aphorism: man is the measure of all things) and some objects of the universe. If there is no reference process, then the “Boa problem” arises from the cartoon, which alone was tormented by the question of what is its length? - until he was helped by the Parrot, who took on the function of the length standard and determined that the length of the Boa Constrictor is “38 parrots and one parrot wing.” Without this act of measurement, the Boa would remain equal to itself in the indefinite unit length of the Boa.

The same applies to the measurement of time. Since any process that can be periodized can be chosen as a reference process, the unit of time measurement becomes the duration of the period of the reference process, with which all other processes that have their own passage of time are correlated.

Contrary to this, “I-centric”, based on ideas about the objectivity of “time in general” and the resulting indifference to the objective diversity of astronomical, “micro-biological” and social time, before being active in social activities, asks two questions:

Tell me what will the future be like?
When will it come?

It is understood that if the future is such and such and occurs then, then the subject will behave this way, and if the future is different or occurs at a different time, then he will behave differently, adjusting his “” to the “inevitable” - due to the supposed “objectivity of time” - a variant of the future. The result of this behavior of billions of people over many generations is known in the words of N.A. Nekrasov: “it’s a pity that neither I nor you will have to live in this beautiful time.”

What is the perversion of ideas about Life in this algorithm for constructing a line of behavior? - First of all, in Life, social time is generated by the quality of people’s actions and their timing, measured by the standard of astronomical time. Accordingly, if in Russia serfdom was historically actually abolished in 1861, then this is one speed of the flow of social time; if Nicholas I had had the self-control and determination to abolish it in 1844, then it would have been a different speed of social time; if Alexander II had not had the determination to abolish serfdom in 1861, and this would have happened only in the era of Nicholas II, then this would have been the third speed of the flow of social time. In the example under consideration, depending on the specific achievements of people, certain generations turn out to belong to one era or belong to another era. This example, where the actions of the kings in actually accomplished history and in its not accomplished, but once possible options, is simply one of the most revealing, since the decision to abolish serfdom affects the life of the entire society. But all human actions have the same quality of accelerating or slowing down the flow of social time in relation to the astronomical standard.

And if “Dead Water”, under the pressure of life circumstances, appeared only in 1991, then this is one story, a real story. But another possibility was open. If “Dead Water” had been created not under the pressure of circumstances, but as a manifestation of voluntarily accepted concern for the fate of the USSR and humanity, then it would have appeared in 1981 - 1983, and would have expressed the same fairly general theory of management in approximately the same terms. in words, would express the idea of the controlled nature of the flow of the global historical process, although the set of illustrative facts would be different. There was knowledge for this, but from the point of view of “I-centrism” characteristic of its developers in those years, there were matters “more important” than taking care of the fate of the USSR and humanity. But if “Dead Water” had been written in 1981 - 1983, then the USSR would have experienced a different history, even if it had not been published in those years, simply because the very fact of awareness of this information even by a small group of people would have changed matrices of possible and impossible subsequent course of social processes.

And influencing the matrices is available to everyone. And everyone and everything has its own impact on them. But with the “I-centric” algorithmic “optimization” of behavior described above for the supposedly objective speed of social time, this impact is such that it is described for most people in the words of N.A. Nekrasov:

“It’s a pity that neither I nor you will have to live in this beautiful time.”

But even with the publication of the materials of the Concept of Public Safety, one of the types of misunderstanding of it is expressed in intellectual dependency in relation to their own future on the part of people who have been well acquainted with its materials for many years. Many of them still have a disturbed perception of the conditionality of their personal and common future by their own activities, which sets the speed of the flow of social time, which, despite everything, they continue to consider an objective given, fused with the speed of the flow of astronomical time rigidly connected with their own standard “ micro-biological" time, i.e. the rate of aging of their protein biomass.

But questions about the quality of the desired bright future and the calendar dates for its occurrence are already being expressed with reference to the Concept of Public Safety. However, their formulation still has the goal of “optimizing” personal behavior according to the supposedly “objective speed” of the flow of social time relative to the “microbio-logical”:

“It has been existing for ten years now, and every year the population of Russia is decreasing by a million people. Where are the results of the Concept being powerful? What is the efficiency of the Concept? When will the Concept win and society will live by its standards? If she wins in ten years, then she must behave like this; and if in twenty or a hundred, then now you need to behave somehow differently. If they had immediately told me that the victory of the Concept is not a matter of several years, but of longer periods of time, then over the past years I would have behaved differently, I would not have exposed myself to danger, opponents of the concept would not have caused me this or that damage...” and etc.

The answer to this kind of question is twofold:

Firstly, the person asking such questions did not understand the worldview of the Concept and, as a result, did not understand and did not accept conceptual self-discipline, as a result of which his actions possibly attract the attention of others to the Concept, and opponents of the Concept from among them inflict some kind of damage on him damage, but he himself, considering himself a sincere and active supporter of the Concept, objectively lives outside its mainstream.
Secondly, the Concept will win when society begins to live by its standards. This means that not according to the norms of the Concept will be a consequence of its victory, and the victory of the Concept will be an expression of the fact that society lives according to its norms. And in maintaining conceptual self-discipline, everyone must begin with himself, since in this he has complete authority.

And if a person’s understanding of the Concept lies within the Predestination of the Concept in God’s Providence, then he gains protection by acting in line with the Concept. But this protection is not something like the armor of a tank, sweeping away everything in its path, in which one can and should hide from Life. It represents an intangible, but objective given of measure and faith: i.e. these are matrices of the possible and impossible course of events, supported by the conscious will of a person, and his trust in God, manifested in all his actions, both in his inner world and in the general external world.

However, losing self-control in the flow of real events or in the flow of obsessions, which entails a change in his mood (i.e., the moral standards operating in this situation), a person is able to instantly move from supporting some matrices to supporting others or to destroying the first, from faith and trust God to unbelief. Thus, being in one mood, as the New Testament reports, the Apostle Peter could walk on the water to meet Christ; Unable to control himself and switching to a different mood, Peter instantly began to drown, and received an explanation from Christ:

“You of little faith! Why did you doubt? (Matthew, ch. 14:24 - 32).

Therefore, agreement with the Concept, with its ideals, is not yet its election. Choosing it is a conscious effort to maintain self-control in line with conceptual self-discipline. This is an activity that changes, first of all, the information and matrix state of society, as a result of which something has no place in the matrices of the future, and the way is opened for the implementation of something. As a result, the future will be the same as the activity in the present.

This is a process that generates social time, accelerating its flow relative to the astronomical and “micro-biological” time of the individual, introducing him to being “always” in line with the Divine Power, as a result of which the individual is able to begin living in this beautiful time right now, and the reader after reading these words.

“I-centrism,” on the other hand, turns out to be unable to enter into what it likes always right now because, trying to adapt to the “objective” from its point of view, the flow of social time along the contours of negative feedback loops misses what should be passed through the contours of positive feedback loops, and it passes through the positive feedback loops what should pass through the negative feedback loops. As a result, his controlling influence on the course of social processes turns out to be perverted to the point of its diametric opposite, and the ideal of a future life that he likes, even if it is objectively feasible within a short period of “microbiological” time, cannot be realized. Thus, a person falls into constant self-torture due to the duality between reality and an unattainable ideal.

The demonstrated functional difference between the purpose of the Movement and the conceptually powerful political party also determines the different requirements on which membership in the Movement and membership in the party can be based. This will also help to understand the disagreements that arose between Lenin and Martov during the establishment of the RSDLP. The Soviet-era university textbook “History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union” (Moscow, Polit-Izdat, 1982, p. 54) reports the following on the essence of the disagreements:

“When discussing the Party Charter, especially the first paragraph - on party membership, two sharply opposing approaches to the issue of the party emerged. Lenin formulated the first paragraph this way: “Anyone who recognizes its program and supports the party both with material means and with personal participation in one of the party organizations is considered a party member.” Martov introduced his own formulation, according to which a party member “is considered to be anyone who accepts its program, supports the party with material means and provides it with regular personal assistance under the leadership of one of its organizations.” So, when determining membership, Lenin insisted on “personal participation in one of the party organizations,” and Martov proposed limiting himself to “regular personal assistance.”

Discrepancies in the wording of the first paragraph of the charter show that essentially Martov built a socio-political movement on the basis of Marxism, and Lenin, under the guise of Marxism, built an instrument for implementing political will, in principle capable of becoming conceptually autocratic and going beyond the boundaries of Marxism, which is what actually happened when the party was headed by I.V. Stalin. But the textbook further explains the essence of these disagreements in a completely different way:

“V.I. Lenin considered the party as an organizational whole. Each party member must be a member of one of the party organizations. This ensures both Marxist education and high discipline of all party members, as well as genuine party control over the activities of each of its members and firm leadership of them. In these conditions, the party represents a coherent system of party organizations operating according to a single plan, and is the personification of discipline and organization.

Martov proposed to accept everyone into the party, without obliging them to be members of one of its organizations and without constraining them within the framework of party discipline. Martov and his like-minded people adhered to the “open door” policy adopted by the Social Democratic parties of the Second International, which weakened the strict consistency of the party organization of the proletariat. According to the Martovites, any striker or intellectual had the right to enroll himself in the party, even if he did not belong and did not want to join one of the party organizations. In this way, the party would turn into a vague and unformed entity” (ibid., pp. 54, 55).

Here it is useful to pay attention to how the authors of the textbook distort and replace Lenin’s thought with their own ad-libs: Lenin formulated the first paragraph of the charter in such a way that it obligated every member of the party work as part of one of its party organizations. Respectively, if a person does not work, then this is grounds for expelling him from the party. The authors of the textbook talk about something else: they do not consider the need for personal work of a party member as part of one of the party organizations (by default it is optional: more on this later), but we are talking about control of the supposed party over each member of any party organization, the possibility of which opens up Lenin's formulation of the first paragraph of the charter and some other principles of party building of the CPSU.

In addition, it is necessary to understand that the party member whose control we are talking about - like any individual - has a first name, patronymic, last name, and the party - as a legal entity - is really a “collective name” - unimaginable, but in relation to every party member acts as an individual constrained by the discipline of the hierarchy of party structures the head of the party organization where the party member is registered. Thus, by default we are talking - as a norm of party life - about dictatorial control over each member of the party of its top leadership through a coherent hierarchy of structures of party organizations, which turns the party into an instrument for implementing the personal will of its first hierarch or a team of his guardians, which can act in line with a concept hostile to the one publicly proclaimed by the party in its program documents.

Having been reborn in this way, the CPSU was destroyed as a disintegrated biorobot, no longer needed by its owners, who set in motion its self-destruction. This algorithm still operates in the collective psyche of society today, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation adheres to Marxism-Leninism and the organizational principles of party building inherited from the CPSU, for which reason it will never become a ruling party.

In connection with this sad experience of the formation of the RSDLP as a party of dictatorial control of the top party leadership over each party member in the process of embodying the political will of senior officials and their guardians; in connection with its degeneration into a politically weak-willed swamp of the CPSU - a party of the March type - it is necessary to consider not only the clause of the charter on party membership, but also other organizational principles of party building in order to make it impossible for our party to have the zombie-like nature of party discipline and to exclude the degeneration of the party into a weak-willed swamp or the riot of the elements of demonic anarchism.

Objections may arise that the practice of the West, with its cult of personal initiative as the main engine of so-called “social progress,” contradicts the stated statement. This is true, but as long as “personal initiative” does not encroach on the fundamental principles of the concept of the structure of Western society. As soon as the enterprising G. Ford began studying the Jewish question and began to attract the attention of the average American to the functions of Jewry in the system of social relations of Western civilization, he was faced with a systemic factor suppressing his personal initiative, and, not receiving support from the uninitiative crowd, was forced to allow his secretary to forge his signature under the text of the apology, which was handed to him by the leaders of the US Jewish community in the form of an ultimatum under the threat of ruining the Ford automobile empire. This was in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second half, nothing changed: the American millionaire, politician (was a candidate for US President) Lyndon LaRouche, having made a demand to move to a new financial order in which there would be no place for lending at interest, immediately received 15 years in prison allegedly for malicious evasion from taxes.

In this process, what is usually called “unity of form and content” is achieved, which is lost whenever someone deliberately or thoughtlessly tries to subordinate the work to organizational forms that do not correspond to the circumstances and personal characteristics of the doers.

It is necessary to prepare for this kind of possibility already at the stage of developing the organizational documents of the structure, so that financial resources and material assets, when the structure saddled by imitators-provocateurs is liquidated, does not become the property of them and their owners.

“... Their prophetic language is truthful and free / And friendly with the Will of Heaven... / The coming years are hidden in the darkness; / But I see your lot on your bright brow. // Your horse is not afraid of dangerous work; / He, sensing the master’s will, / Now stands quietly under the arrows of enemies, / Now he rushes across the battlefield. / And the cold and the slashing are nothing to him... / But you will accept death from your horse.”

This is allegorical: the relationship between the prince and the horse is similar to the relationship between the ruling “elite” and the common people, which the “elite” in a crowd-“elite” society regards as a meaningless crowd that must be submissive to its will like a horse. The “elite” does not heed the fact that the priesthood is not a meaningless, but a conceptually powerful part of the common people. The result of this kind of inattention of the “elite” is natural: and they accept death from their “horse” individually and in crowds, as predicted in the friendship of the priesthood with the will of the Almighty God - the Creator and Almighty.

Of course, it will be better if the leaders themselves are conceptually powerful in the God State, as a result of which they cannot be in conflict with the conceptual power of the Concept of Public Security. But in reality, in the first stages of promoting the Concept into life, it is inevitable that a fairly wide circle of heads of structures will arise who, having proven themselves to be good coordinators, will still not have time to become bearers of conceptual power. Such people may become “dizzy with success”, and they will “bite the bit” and give free rein to their dictatorial tendencies, which the rest of the structures must help them curb, thereby preserving them for the common cause.

The organizational principles of crowd “elitism”, expressed in the statutory documents of the RSDLP - CPSU, will be shown below.

If, stepping over the written and unwritten statutes of society as a whole and the structures of its public organizations, we forget about the need to live in the God-state, then we will get anarchy, aggravating existing troubles and bringing many new disasters stemming from the self-affirmation of all kinds of demonism.

In 1997, a selection of materials from the information base of the USSR EP, sufficient to understand the essence of the matter, was transferred to Harvard University in connection with the launch of a new Harvard project under the motto “Where is Russia?” (see file Appeal to Fiona Hill, curator of the new Harvard project.doc on the sites: www.dotu.ru, www.kpe.ru, www.mera.com.ru, www. vodaspb.ru on the Internet). These sites are visited by residents of all continents and all so-called “developed countries”, which has resulted in the emergence of active supporters of the Concept from among citizens of countries not only “near” but also “far” abroad.

The only exception was the parliamentary hearings held in the State Duma of the Russian Federation on November 28, 1995 on the materials of the Concept of Public Security, at which the Concept was recommended for implementation. These parliamentary hearings took place, most likely, due to an oversight of the then leaders of the State Duma, who did not delve into the substance of all the materials proposed for discussion.

They have no time to read thick books: lawmaking in line with biblical doctrine, banquets and the fight for a place at the feeding trough consume all their time. Those who want to object should know that there is alcohol and tobacco in the Duma’s buffets and cafes, on the basis of which there is a moral right to accuse the Duma of legislating under the constant oppression of its collective psyche by alcohol and tobacco dope. As a result of this kind of specificity of the Duma activity and the Duma members themselves, Rybkin changed the agenda of those parliamentary hearings, if not “without looking”, then without going into the essence of each of the issues.

This statement about an oversight, as a result of which the Concept of public security in the God-state became in Russia the only legitimate concept in opposition to the biblical doctrine of the enslavement of mankind, is confirmed by all subsequent activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation and its committees, which no longer addressed the materials of the Concept after this obvious oversight.

Naturally, the Concept itself should not become a deadening dogma, but should develop as problems are resolved and circumstances in society change.

If we look at the materials of the congresses of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Bolsheviks) - the CPSU, then in the Stalin era it was like this: the next congress of the Bolshevik Party - new tasks are set, which are mainly solved by the next congress.

In the post-Stalin era, everything is different: the talking shop at one congress is indistinguishable from the talking shop at another (if we do not consider the anti-Stalin specificity of the 20th and 22nd congresses). Reading the materials of the congresses of the CPSU (Capitulant Party of Self-Liquidation of Socialism) of the post-Stalin era, from their content relating to problems of social significance in general, it is not always possible to understand which congress it is: XXI, XXIV or XXV - only the names of the general “secs” changed and members of the Central Committee, and some changes were introduced in the political vocabulary.

In ancient Russian writing, where each Bukova was not only a sign denoting a sound in oral speech, but also a hieroglyph, “measure” with an “e” - a word with the same root as death, abomination, bastard. The “measure” discussed in the text is correctly written with “е” (yat): /. Having made this reservation, we, however, will remain in our contemporary spelling, the construction of which was not based on meaning, but on sound.

Those who do not agree to recognize a vacuum as matter capable of interacting with matter in its other aggregate states, let them explain to everyone else how waves (electromagnetic, gravitational, etc. vibrations) propagate in ideal nothingness. Vacuum is not nothing, but something—matter in one of its aggregate states.

Nothing, except international agreements on the selection of standards and some technical aspects, prevents us from determining the duration of a second based on the emission frequency of the standard lamp that sets the length of the meter, or doing the opposite: determining the length of the meter based on the wavelength corresponding to the radiation of the standard that sets the duration of the second. But in any case, without a material standard there will be neither a unit of measurement of space nor a unit of measurement of time, regardless of whether the standard processes belong to the micro- or macroworld.

The numerical ratio of errors in measuring the coordinate and momentum (mass multiplied by speed) of a microparticle: the uncertainty in the coordinate measurement multiplied by the uncertainty in the momentum measurement, in absolute value not less than the value of Planck’s constant.

Efficiency.

At the Second Congress of the RSDLP, which met secretly first in Brussels, then in London from July 17 to August 10, 1903.

One of the first to sense this was L.D. Bronstein (Trotsky). In his 1904 work “Our Political Tasks” there is the following assessment of V.I. Lenin’s attitude to Marxism:

“Truly, one cannot be more cynical about the best ideological heritage of the proletariat than Lenin does! For him, it is not a method of scientific research that imposes great theoretical obligations, no, it is... a doormat when you need to erase your traces, a white screen when you need to demonstrate your greatness, a folding arshin when you need to present your party ID! (L.D. Trotsky “On the history of the Russian Revolution”, collection of works by L.D. Bronstein, edited by N.A. Vasetsky, Moscow, “Politizdat”, 1990, p. 77). And on the same page the phrase appears twice: “Dialectics has nothing to do with Comrade. Lenin."

“We do not at all look at Marx’s theory as something complete and inviolable; we are convinced, on the contrary, that she laid only the cornerstones of the science that socialists must move further in all directions if they do not want to lag behind life” (V.I. Lenin, PSS 5th edition, vol. 4, p. 184).

A biorobot, the behavior program of which, in its various fragments, is dispersed throughout the psyche of many of its constituent individuals.